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The Female Face of Migration: Unveiling the Livelihood Strategies and
Struggles of Displaced Syrian Women
El Rostro Femenino de la Migración: Revelando las Estrategias de
Subsistencia y las Luchas de las Mujeres Sirias Desplazadas
Mualla Dikmen*1 and Abdullah Karatay2
1 Firat University
2 Uskudar University
*Corresponding author: muallaozdikmen@gmail.com
Received: 2025-03-25. Approved: 2025-08-27
DOI: https://doi.org/10.26754/ojs_ais/accionesinvestig.soc..20254711686
Abstract
This study explores the livelihood strategies, role transformations, and challenges experienced by
Syrian refugee women in Turkey following forced migration. Using a qualitative phenomenological
design, it captures women’s lived experiences while identifying structural and socio-cultural factors
shaping their realities. Data were collected from 27 participants through semi-structured interviews,
complemented by brief written reflections in which they listed their views immediately after the
interview to refine thoughts and add insights that might not emerge in conversation. The interviews,
conducted in Arabic with translator support, were transcribed verbatim and analysed using thematic
analysis. To enhance interpretation, qualitative data were also “quantified” by calculating the
frequency of recurring perceptions across the dataset. This approach highlighted prevalent themes
while retaining narrative richness through selected quotations. Findings revealed that many
participants, despite holding skilled occupations in Syriasuch as lawyer, nurse, engineer, or
teachershifted into informal, low-paid, or insecure work in Turkey, or remained unemployed.
Structural barriers, including limited recognition of qualifications, bureaucratic obstacles to work
permits, and labour market restrictions, hindered career continuity and reinforced economic
precarity. Women also reported shifts in family livelihood roles, assuming greater economic
responsibilities and reduced caregiving time, alongside multidimensional changes in economic, social,
emotional, and cultural spheres. Reported challenges included low income, employment insecurity,
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lack of social networks, language barriers, and legal exclusion. The findings contribute t literature on
forced migration and gender, offering policy-relevant insights for inclusive, gender-sensitive
integration strategies.
Keywords: Syrian refugee women; livelihood strategies; migration.
Resumen
Este estudio explora las estrategias de sustento, las transformaciones de roles y los desafíos
experimentados por mujeres refugiadas sirias en Turquía tras la migración forzada. Utilizando un
diseño cualitativo de tipo fenomenológico, capta las experiencias vividas de las participantes e
identifica los factores estructurales y socioculturales que configuran sus realidades. Los datos se
recopilaron de 27 participantes mediante entrevistas semiestructuradas, complementadas con breves
reflexiones escritas en las que enumeraron sus opiniones inmediatamente después de la entrevista
para precisar sus pensamientos y añadir percepciones que podrían no surgir en la conversación. Las
entrevistas, realizadas en árabe con apoyo de traductor, fueron transcritas literalmente y analizadas
mediante análisis temático. Para mejorar la interpretación, los datos cualitativos también fueron
“cuantificados” calculando la frecuencia de las percepciones recurrentes en el conjunto de datos. Este
enfoque permitió resaltar los temas s prevalentes conservando la riqueza narrativa a través de citas
seleccionadas. Los hallazgos revelaron que muchas participantes, a pesar de haber ejercido
ocupaciones cualificadas en Siriacomo abogada, enfermera, ingeniera o docentepasaron a
desempeñar trabajos informales, mal remunerados o inseguros en Turquía, o permanecieron
desempleadas. Las barreras estructurales, incluyendo el limitado reconocimiento de las titulaciones
extranjeras, los obstáculos burocráticos para obtener permisos de trabajo y las restricciones del
mercado laboral, dificultaron la continuidad profesional y reforzaron la precariedad económica.
Asimismo, las mujeres informaron de cambios en los roles familiares, asumiendo mayores
responsabilidades económicas y menos tiempo de cuidado, junto con transformaciones
multidimensionales en las esferas económica, social, emocional y cultural. Los desafíos señalados
incluyeron bajos ingresos, inseguridad laboral, ausencia de redes sociales, barreras lingüísticas y
exclusión legal. Los hallazgos contribuyen a la literatura sobre migración forzada y género, ofreciendo
recomendaciones relevantes para el diseño de estrategias de integración inclusivas y con perspectiva
de género.
Palabras clave: mujeres refugiadas Sirias; estrategias de subsistencia; migración.
INTRODUCTION
Forced migration has escalated to unprecedented levels in recent decades. By the end of 2020, over
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82.4 million people had been displaced globally due to war, conflict, or persecution, with the Syrian
civil war standing as one of the most acute crises. Since 2011, more than half of Syria’s population
around 13.5 millionhas been uprooted, including 6.8 million seeking international protection abroad
(UNHCR, 2024). Owing to its geographical proximity, Turkey became the primary host country; by
December 31, 2024, nearly 2.9 million Syrians were registered under temporary protection (Tümtaş,
2022; Refugees Association, 2025). This study investigates how displaced Syrian women in Turkey
adapted livelihood strategies under new socio-economic realities, with particular attention to the
transformation of familial and occupational roles.
Vulnerable Refugee Women
By the end of 2023, nearly half of the 117.3 million forcibly displaced individuals were women,
underscoring the gendered dimensions of displacement (UNHCR, 2024). Across contexts such as
Eritrea, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, and Venezuela, women face overlapping vulnerabilities in
health, livelihoods, and psychological well-being (Bekyol & Bendel, 2016; Freedman, 2016; Krause,
2015; Janmyr, 2017; Capasso et al., 2022; Collins & Daly, 2021; Mazhak, 2023). Gender-based violence
represents a persistent risk: women encounter sexual assault, trafficking, and exploitation along
migration routes and in camps (Freedman, 2016; Krause, 2015; Canning, 2020). Syrian women were
exposed to sexual violence from both regime forces and extremist groups (Freedman, 2016), while
displaced Ukrainian women also report high risks of abuse (Capasso et al., 2022). Building on these
security concerns, health outcomes are also deeply affected. Refugee women often suffer
reproductive complications, malnutrition, infectious diseases, PTSD, depression, and anxiety (Jolof et
al., 2022; Al-Shdayfat, 2017; Rubenstein et al., 2020). Collapsed healthcare systems, such as in
Afghanistan, increased maternal mortality (Bennett et al., 2004). Access to culturally sensitive mental
health services remains limited, particularly for survivors of sexual violence (Freedman, 2016).
Displacement further exacerbates socio-economic marginalization by stripping jobs, education, and
networks, pushing women into poverty (Borges, 2024; Bennett et al., 2004). Case studies illustrate
these intersections: in Sudan and South Sudan, women became breadwinners but also carried heavier
caregiving burdens (Saferworld, 2020). Educated Ukrainian women entered insecure, underqualified
jobs due to childcare (OECD, 2023). Syrian mothers reported children’s social exclusion compounding
family distress (Borges, 2024). Venezuelan women experienced discrimination, precarious work, and
trauma from violence (Collins & Daly, 2021). Collectively, these examples highlight displacement as a
structural and gendered crisis shaped by intersecting vulnerabilities of violence, poverty, health risks,
and exclusion.
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Gender, Poverty, and Migration in Syria: Exploring the Linkages
The Syrian civil war of 2011 created one of the most severe humanitarian crises of the 21st century,
displacing 6.7 million internally and forcing 5.4 million into neighbouring countries (Solymári & Gibárti,
2023). Driven by political instability, armed conflict, and human security threats (Kargın & Sirkeci,
2023), this mass migration displaced over half the Syrian population and generated a global refugee
emergency (Tunalıgil, 2019). Before the conflict, Syrian women largely occupied secondary roles in
public life, with only 22% labour force participation in 2010 (CARE International, 2016; Yalim & Critelli,
2023). Despite constitutional guarantees of equality in the 1973 Constitution, patriarchal norms
limited opportunities mostly to teaching, healthcare, or clerical jobs, while unpaid domestic labour
predominated (Hilton, 2017; World Bank, 2023; CARE International, 2016). Within family structures,
men were breadwinners while women carried caregiving roles (CARE International, 2016). War
radically altered these dynamics. Poverty rose from 33% in 2010 to nearly 90% in subsequent years
(Lederer, 2023). Male mortality, displacement, and migration shifted gender roles (CARE International,
2016). Female-headed households increased from 4% pre-war to 1217% by 2015 and exceeded 22%
later (CARE International, 2016; Al Jazeera, 2021). Patriarchal norms eroded as women assumed
financial responsibilities (Al Jazeera, 2021). Women entered agricultural labour, petty trade, and
handicrafts (Hilton, 2017). Female labour force participation rose from 13% in 2010 to 31% by 2022
(World Bank, 2023). Yet, these gains were constrained by low wages, informality, and caregiving
burdens (CARE International, 2016; OCHA, 2022).
Livelihood Strategies of Syrian Women in Turkey
Turkey hosts over 3.7 million registered Syrian refugees, nearly half women and children (Öztekin &
Keskin, 2024). Syrian women shoulder the dual pressures of household care and adaptation to
unfamiliar economic settings. Only 15% engage in income-generating work, often confined to informal
and gendered sectors like domestic service, piecework, and micro-entrepreneurship (Vesek, 2021;
Körükmez et al., 2022). Structural barriers hinder formal employment: limited Turkish proficiency, low
educational attainment, bureaucratic obstacles for work permits (Öztürk et al., 2019; Aksu et al.,
2022), and discrimination. Many women remain unemployed or in precarious informal work such as
seasonal agriculture, textiles, and cleaning (Aksu et al., 2022). Kinship and social networks function as
key gateways to informal jobs, facilitating roles in domestic work or NGOs as interpreters and cultural
mediators (Aydın, 2021). Yet, women lacking such ties remain excluded. Programs in training,
language, and entrepreneurship exist, but participation is uneven due to caregiving responsibilities
(Özgür-Keysan & Şentürk, 2021).
Displacement disrupted household hierarchies, making women’s economic engagement necessity-
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driven rather than voluntary (Asaf, 2017; Shackle, 2019; Alhayek, 2016). Female-headed households
remain highly vulnerable, often dependent on aid or irregular work (Shackle, 2019). Home-based
micro-enterprisessewing, cooking, hairdressinghave become adaptive strategies, frequently
supported by NGOs (UN Women, 2018; Dursun & Nizamoğlu, 2021). These contribute to income and
decision-making but also intensify vulnerabilities through unstable earnings and unpaid domestic
labour (Doğangün & Keysan, 2022). In some families, women as primary earners challenge patriarchal
expectations, generating tensions (Öztoraman-Adıgüzel & Tanyaş, 2020).
The literature on forced migration and gender has expanded in recent years (Aksu et al., 2022; Aydın,
2021), documenting socio-economic challenges, gendered risks, and shifting roles. Yet important gaps
remain. First, Syrian women’s own perspectives have often been underrepresented in both research
and humanitarian programming (Abunasser, 2023). Their experiences are frequently subsumed under
the generic category of “vulnerable women,” reducing their narratives to homogenous stereotypes.
Similarly, depictions of the “traditional woman” overlook variations in class, education, and
employment backgrounds; many women were professionalsteachers, doctorsbefore
displacement and now struggle with downward mobility (Lokot, 2018). Second, intra-household
dynamics remain underexplored. While existing studies examine employment or psychosocial
conditions (Mencütek & Nashwan, 2020), the transformation of family roles has been insufficiently
studied, particularly in Turkey, though some case studies in Europe highlight gender role restructuring
(Habib, 2018).
This study seeks to address these gaps by documenting the livelihood strategies and challenges of
Syrian women in Turkey through their own narratives. By adopting a qualitative approach that centers
women’s voices, it contributes original empirical insights to the literature on forced migration, while
also providing context-specific knowledge to inform humanitarian aid and integration policies. In
doing so, it offers a more nuanced understanding of how displacement reshapes gender roles,
household dynamics, and livelihood strategies, and how policies can become more responsive to
women’s needs.
METHOD
This study adopted a qualitative phenomenological research design, aiming to explore the lived
experiences of Syrian women in Turkey concerning their livelihood strategies following forced
migration. Phenomenology focuses on individuals' perceptions and meanings derived from their lived
experiences, making it particularly suitable for understanding the gendered and socio-economic
implications of displacement (Creswell, 2007).
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Participants
Participants were selected through criterion sampling, focusing on Syrian women who migrated to
Turkey (Yıldırım & Şimşek, 2005). The study included 27 women aged 2737; 77.8% were married and
22.2% single. In terms of education, 85.2% held university degrees and 14.8% had completed high
school. Their stay in Turkey ranged from 2 to 6 years, and most were mothers with one to three
children. Table 1 summarizes participant demographics, with further details in Appendix 1.
Table 1
Demographic Characteristics of the Participants
Characteristic
Category
n
%
Age Range
2737
27
100.0
Marital Status
Married
21
77.8
Single
6
22.2
Educational Level
University Degree
23
85.2
High School
4
14.8
Length of Stay in Turkey
2 years
5
18.5
3 years
6
22.2
4 years
7
25.9
5 years
5
18.5
6 years
4
14.8
Number of Children
Yes (1 child)
6
22.2
Yes (2 children)
8
29.6
Yes (3 children)
4
14.8
No
9
33.3
Data Collection Instruments
Data were gathered through semi-structured interview protocols designed to capture participants’
experiences of shifting livelihood roles. The first section addressed demographics, the second explored
income-generating activities and economic autonomy, and the third examined changes in family roles
and responsibilities after migration. While guiding questions ensured consistency, the flexible format
allowed probing and follow-ups (Ekiz, 2003).
To complement the interviews, participants also provided itemized written reflections immediately
afterward. This practice, grounded in phenomenological traditions (Creswell & Poth, 2018; van
Manen, 2016), enabled participants to summarize fresh impressions, express overlooked points, and
engage in deeper reflection. These written accounts facilitated thematic coding and enhanced data
triangulation by allowing comparison with oral narratives, thereby strengthening validity (Patton,
2015).
All instruments were developed from a literature review and refined through feedback from five
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academic expertstwo sociologists, one language and literature scholar, and two social work
specialistsat Medipol and Üsküdar Universities. Their expertise in migration, qualitative
methodology, and socio-cultural dynamics ensured methodological rigor, cultural sensitivity, and
contextual relevance
Data Collection and Analysis
Semi-structured interviews were conducted to explore refugee women’s perceptions in depth,
allowing participants to articulate their experiences in their own words. All interviews were carried
out in Arabic, with translator assistance to minimize bias and enhance data quality. Transcripts were
analysed thematically following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) framework. Each perception was coded,
and frequencies were calculated to show how often themes appeared across the dataset. This
deliberate use of quantificationthe conversion of qualitative data into numerical formwas
employed to identify the most prevalent themes while retaining the depth and nuance of narratives
(Sandelowski, 2001). Unlike structured surveys with predefined categories, this inductive strategy
enabled themes to emerge organically, ensuring the analysis remained grounded in participants’ lived
realities (Patton, 2015).
To illustrate findings, frequency tables generated in SPSS 21 were combined with verbatim participant
quotations, a widely used practice in qualitative reporting that enriches interpretation and focuses
participants’ voices (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Coding was conducted independently by two researchers,
yielding an inter-coder reliability coefficient of 86.3% using Miles and Huberman’s (1994) formula,
which indicates high consistency. Ethical approval was obtained from the relevant university.
RESULTS
As an initial step, the study explored the occupational backgrounds of Syrian women prior to and
following their migration. Table 2 summarizes the occupations of refugee women before and after
migration. Each number indicates the number of refugee women referring to each occupation.,
Table 2
Frequencies and Percentages of Participants’ Occupations in Syria and Turkey
Syria
f
%
f
%
Student
8
29.6
14
51.9
Teacher
5
18.5
7
25.9
Housewife
4
14.8
2
7.4
Lawyer
2
7.4
1
3.7
Tradesperson
2
7.4
1
3.7
Nurse
2
7.4
2
7.4
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Hairdresser
1
3.7
Engineer
1
3.7
Biologist
1
3.7
Tailor
1
3.7
As presented in Table 2, occupational diversity in Syria was notable, with professions such as law,
biology, nursing, engineering, and teaching represented; 29.6% were students and 18.5% teachers.
After migration, however, professional engagement contracted significantly. While 51.9% are now
employed as foreign language teacherslikely reflecting both language proficiency and labour
market demandother skilled professions are largely absent. This occupational mismatch
underscores how migration disrupts professional identities and constrains integration through
barriers such as credential recognition, legal restrictions, and sociocultural adaptation. Many women
now identify as housewives or unemployed.
Participant testimonies reflect this downward mobility: P14 stated, In Syria, I was respected as a
teacher. Here, they told me my diploma is useless. I had to start again as a beginner in a language
course before even thinking of a job.” P11 shared, I never imagined I would be a housewife again
after working for 15 years, but here, no one recognizes my experience.Similarly, P20 said, I was a
lawyer; now I clean offices. It feels like all my education and years of work have disappeared
overnight.
Table 3 presents the monthly income levels of participants after migration to Turkey, with each figure
representing the number of women in that income group.
Table 3
Monthly Income Levels
Categories
f
%
Minimum wage or less
18
66.7%
Above minimum wage
9
33.3%
As shown in Table 3, which reflects participants’ current situation in Turkey, 66.7% reported earning
the minimum wage or less, while only 33.3% earned above it. This indicates that most Syrian women
are confined to low-paying, precarious jobs with limited access to stable and adequately compensated
employment. P21 explained, I earn less than minimum wage. Sometimes my salary doesn’t even
cover the rent. We borrow from friends to buy food.” P25 added, “I work full-time, but my earnings
are the same as a student doing part-time work.” Similarly, P15 stated, “I had a good salary in Syria;
here, I’m worth less than the minimum wage.”
The study also examined whether participants viewed their wages as fair relative to workload, hours,
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and effort. All respondents agreed their pay does not reflect the intensity of their work, indicating a
pervasive sense of wage injustice tied to informal employment, weak protections, and limited
bargaining power. P27 shared, I work from early morning to night, but my pay is barely enough to
survive.” P24 noted, We do the hardest jobs, but still earn less than locals doing easier work.P11
added, Sometimes I think if I stop working, nothing will changebecause my income is already so
small.
In addition, the study explored the income-generating strategies employed since displacement, based
on post-migration experiences in Turkey. These findings are summarized in Table 4.
Table 4
Income-Generating Strategies
Categories
f
%
Daily wage labour
18
66.7%
Assistance from neighbors
4
14.8%
Support from NGOs
4
14.8%
Assistance from relatives
1
3.7%
As shown in Table 4, most participants (66.7%) relied on daily wage labour for income, reflecting high
economic precarity and informality. Additional sources included support from neighbors (14.8%) and
NGOs (14.8%), while only one participant (3.7%) mentioned relatives. P3 noted, If it wasn’t for the
daily work I find cleaning or sewing, we wouldn’t survive. Aid comes, but it’s never enough.” Similarly,
P18 explained, One day you have work, the next day you don’t. It’s like living in constant uncertainty.
P3 added, Sometimes we depend on neighbours for breadthis is the hardest part, to ask for help
when you were independent before.These accounts illustrate women’s dependence on unstable jobs
and community-based or humanitarian support, underscoring their limited access to formal
employment and heightened socioeconomic vulnerability.
The study also examined shifts in women’s roles within family livelihood strategies after migration.
As summarized in Table 5, the findings reflect participants’ current post-migration experiences in
Turkey.
Table 5
Changes in Refugee Women’s Roles in Family Livelihood Strategies After Migration
Categories
f
%
Yes
23
85.2%
No
4
14.8%
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As shown in Table 5, 85.2% of participants reported changes in their roles within family livelihood
strategies following migration, while 14.8% reported no change. These findings suggest that forced
migration has substantially restructured intra-household dynamics, with women increasingly
assuming financial and caregiving responsibilities, thereby challenging traditional gender norms.
Participants’ narratives provide deeper insight into this transformation. Participant P1 described
adopting a breadwinner role under harsh working conditions, stating: "Here, I feel like a ‘father’. I
can’t fulfill my roles as a woman. I feel empty and tense toward my child." This reflects the
psychological burden and identity conflict resulting from disrupted gender roles. In contrast,
Participant P3 reported continuity in traditional roles despite economic hardship: "I used to be a
housewife, and I’m still not working. Our financial situation is difficult, but my husband works, and I
do the housework." Such cases highlight that while many women experienced shifts, some
households preserved pre-migration gendered divisions. Nevertheless, broader patterns of change
emerged, as Participant P6 noted: "In Syria, women didn’t work in every kind of job, but here, women
do everythingthey became the breadwinners." P18 also shared, “In Syria, my husband provided for
us. Now, if I don’t work, we can’t even pay rent. I became the main provider without wanting it.” P25
reflected, “I never imagined I would carry this much responsibility for the family’s survival. It’s
exhausting but there is no choice.” Collectively, these accounts illustrate that migration is not merely
spatial displacement but a profound social and psychological reconfiguration, particularly for women
negotiating new socio-economic realities and identities in host contexts.
The study also examined changes in Syrian women’s roles within the labour market after migration.
As shown in Table 6, the findings reflect participants’ post-migration work experiences in Turkey.
Table 6
WorkFamily Life Changes Post-Migration
Categories
f
%
Increased responsibility
12
44.4%
Greater intensity in work life
9
33.3%
Decreased time allocated to children
6
22.2%
Note: Coding of the semi-structured interviews
As shown in Table 6, 44.4% of participants reported increased workplace responsibilities, 33.3%
heightened work intensity, and 22.2% reduced time with their children. These results indicate a
restructuring of gender roles, as migrant women carry a dual burden of income generation and family
care. Post-migration employment intensifies role overload, leading to stress, fatigue, and feelings of
maternal inadequacy. Overall, the findings reveal how displacement reshapes women’s identities,
responsibilities, and time use.
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Qualitative data deepen these insights, revealing how Syrian women renegotiate their roles under
new labour conditions. Participant P2 described the psychological toll of transitioning from voluntary
to compulsory work: "Here, women have too many responsibilities. I have to work here, whereas back
in Syria, I used to work voluntarily. Now I feel like a man." This statement illustrates a profound
internal conflict and role reversal associated with forced economic participation. Similarly, Participant
P16 emphasized the physical and emotional toll of long working hours and perceived a departure
from traditional femininity: "The working hours here are too long... We became like men." Participant
P26 further reflected on maternal guilt arising from diminished caregiving time: "As a mother, I feel
guilty because I spend less time with my child... Here, we must work, and we must be out there like
men." P14 added, “By the time I return home, my body aches and I’m too tired to cook or talk to my
children.” P11 also noted, “It’s like living two full-time jobsone at work, one at home—without rest.”
Collectively, these narratives underscore the psychosocial and structural challenges of post-migration
labour participation, illustrating the emotional negotiations women undertake between survival
demands and traditional gender expectations.
Another dimension of the study concerns changes in Syrian migrant women’s social, economic, and
emotional well-being. As shown in Table 7, the results reflect participants’ post-migration experiences
in Turkey.
Table 7
Perceived Changes Experienced
Categories
f
%
Material changes
27
100.0
Emotional/spiritual changes
27
100.0
Social changes
25
92.6
Cultural changes
17
63.0
Table 7 shows that all participants (100%) experienced material and emotional changes after
migration, while 92.6% reported social transformations and 63% cultural shifts. These results indicate
that forced migration involves not only physical displacement but also deep socio-economic and
psychological reconfigurations. The universal prevalence of material and emotional changes reflects
immediate economic hardship and distress, whereas cultural adaptation emerges more gradually.
Overall, the data highlight the multidimensional impact of displacement on Syrian womenshaping
identity, belonging, and well-beingand the need for holistic support mechanisms.
Qualitative narratives enrich these findings, revealing that migration reshaped both external
conditions and internal experiences. For example, Participant P5 described a drastic shift from
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affluence to dependency: "We were very wealthy there, but here we are barely making ends meet.
Now we depend on aid from NGOs." This reflects the loss of economic autonomy and emergence of
aid dependency. Similarly, Participant P6 emphasized disrupted life milestones and identity erosion:
"I got married in Turkey, but we had no wedding. Because of the war, I couldn’t finish universityI
have one course left. Here I feel like I’m unqualified." The feeling of professional inadequacy and
bureaucratic challenges in re-establishing identity are evident. Finally, Participant P7 highlighted the
psychosocial toll of economic hardship: "We used to own our house. Now we rent. My husband works
very hard and is psychologically exhausted. This affects our relationship. I started working to support
him, but I feel so unskilled and useless in the workplace." This testimony reveals strained family
dynamics, shifting gender roles, and intensified emotional distress due to precarious labour
conditions.
Finally, the study explored the key challenges encountered by Syrian women after migration. The data
in Table 8 refer specifically to challenges faced in their current life in Turkey after migration. The
findings related to these post-migration hardships are presented in Table 8.
Table 8
Main Challenges in Adaptation
Categories
𝑓
%
Financial and emotional difficulties
27
100.0
Language barrier
15
55.6
Health issues
15
55.6
Housing problems
10
37.0
Employment difficulties
8
29.6
Inability to practice one's original profession
6
22.2
Long working hours
6
22.2
Lack of time with family members
5
18.6
Absence of legal work permits
4
14.8
Lack of extended family support
4
14.8
Difficulty in adapting to cultural differences
2
7.4
Negative public perception toward Syrians
2
7.4
Note: Coding of the semi-structured interviews
As shown in Table 8, Syrian refugee women reported diverse post-migration challenges, including
financial and emotional hardships (100%), language barriers (55.6%), health issues (55.6%), housing
insecurity (37%), and employment difficulties (29.6%). Additional difficulties were discontinuation of
professions (22.2%), long working hours (22.2%), reduced family time (18.6%), absence of kin
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networks (14.8%), lack of legal permits (14.8%), cultural adaptation difficulties (7.4%), and social
prejudice (7.4%). These results demonstrate that forced migration entails not only physical relocation
but also profound socio-economic and psychological transformations.
Participants’ narratives illustrate these intersecting hardships. P8 stated: Everything is different
here… the system, the people, the language. Even asking for help is difficult. You feel like you’re stuck
between needing support and not knowing how to access it.” P22 highlighted professional loss: Back
in Syria, I was a nurse. Here, I clean houses. I’m grateful to work, but it hurts to lose everything I built.
I feel invisible, like I’m starting from zero again.Language barriers were especially restrictive; P12
explained: I want to work and support my family, but I can’t speak Turkish. People get impatient with
me. I feel ashamed to even ask questions at the market.Emotional dislocation was evident as P6
shared: My sisters are in Jordan, my mother is in Syria. Here, I’m alone with my children. Sometimes
I feel like I don’t belong anywhere.Finally, P10 described social exclusion: When people hear our
accent, they look at us differently. Some don’t even want to rent us a home. It’s as if we are constantly
reminded that we are outsiders.”
Overall, these accounts reveal that women’s post-migration realities are shaped by structural
inequalities, social dislocation, and emotional vulnerability. While some demonstrate resilience,
systemic and cultural barriers remain significant. Migration for Syrian women is thus not merely a
border crossing but a process of identity renegotiation, social restructuring, and emotional
endurancedimensions that must inform policy and humanitarian responses.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
Occupational Change
This study explores the adaptive livelihood strategies and challenges faced by Syrian refugee women
in Turkey within the context of forced migration. Before migration, women worked in diverse
professions such as law, biology, nursing, engineering, teaching, tailoring, shopkeeping, and
hairdressing. After migration, however, their employment became concentrated in a few
occupationsmainly as housewives, nurses, hairdressers, teachers, and tailorswhile many
remained unemployed. Professions that are transferable across contexts (e.g., hairdressing,
construction) tended to continue, whereas nationally regulated fields like law were largely
discontinued due to diploma non-recognition or lengthy validation processes (Barın, 2015). As Çetin
(2016) emphasizes, the temporary protection status limits refugees’ access to fundamental rights,
particularly the right to work. Although regulatory changes in 2016 expanded access, no
comprehensive framework granting full work permits exists, and employment quotas restrict foreign
workers to 10% of a workplace. These barriers make it difficult for women to continue their original
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professions, leading many to enter teaching positions instead. Notably, half of the participants
reported regular employment, consistent with AFAD’s (2017) finding that 55.6% of migrants are
employed.
Monthly Income Levels
When examining participants' monthly income, it was found that 66.7% earned no more than the
minimum wage. Participants' perceptions of their income level were categorized as “low.”
Furthermore, when asked whether they believed they were receiving fair pay considering their
working hours and effort, all women stated they were earning less than they deserved. Çetin (2016)
has noted that low wages are among the major grievances for Syrian workers. Although the 2016
legislation aimed to address this by stating that “foreigners under temporary protection cannot be
paid below minimum wage,it has been reported that many undocumented workers continue to
suffer from intense labour exploitation (Şahin, 2015). Korkmaz (2018) further states that Syrian
refugees often work for wages nearly one-third lower than the minimum wage. In Kariman’s (2015)
study, in response to the question “Do you have a work permit in Turkey?”, only 23 participants
answered yes while 177 answered no. This is considered indicative of the widespread illegal
employment of Syrians. The primary reason for illegal employment is the opportunity it provides
employers to pay lower wages (Korkmaz, 2018). These findings support the results of the current
study.
Perceived Income Fairness
Participants unanimously reported that they are paid less than they deserve, revealing a pervasive
sense of wage injustice in the labour experiences of Syrian refugee women in Turkey. This reflects
structural inequalities in the host labour market, where women are concentrated in low-wage, labour-
intensive, and informal jobs without adequate legal protections (İşcan & Çakır, 2019). Prior research
similarly documents exploitative practices such as below-minimum-wage pay, irregular hours, and lack
of social security (Knappert et al., 2018; Moussa, 2020). Participants’ testimonies capture both
material and psychological consequences: “We do the hardest jobs, but still earn less than locals doing
easier work.” Such experiences echo the notion of “dual discrimination” against refugee womenas
both women and migrants (Kofman & Raghuram, 2005)and are compounded by limited bargaining
power linked to language barriers, unrecognized qualifications, and dependence on informal networks
(Ager & Strang, 2008; İçduygu & Diker, 2017). These findings highlight the need for stronger
protections, including enforcement of minimum wage laws, monitoring of working conditions, and
accessible mechanisms for credential recognition. Complementary measures such as vocational
training and labour rights awareness programs could empower women and enhance economic well-
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being (ILO, 2019). Ultimately, the uniformity of responses indicates not an isolated grievance but a
patterned labour injustice consistent with global trends in migrant women’s employment.
Income Generation Strategies
The results show that most Syrian refugee women rely on daily wage labour, reflecting severe
precarity and informality in employment. This dependence on unstable, short-term work highlights
barriers to formal labour markets such as language difficulties, unrecognized qualifications, and
discriminatory hiring (Knappert et al., 2018). Employment in informal sectorsdomestic work,
textiles, agriculturetypically brings low pay, minimal legal protection, and limited professional
mobility, reinforcing vulnerability (ILO, 2019; Gowayed, 2019). Some women also depend on
community and humanitarian aid, yet such support is unstable and resource-dependent (Ager &
Strang, 2008). Narratives like “One day you have work, the next day you don’t” or Sometimes we
depend on neighbours for bread” illustrate both deprivation and loss of dignity, consistent with
research on the psychosocial costs of precarious livelihoods (Kofman & Raghuram, 2005; Silvey &
Lawson, 1999). These findings mirror global patterns of refugee women’s concentration in informal
economies marked by exploitation and wage suppression (UNHCR, 2022). Addressing them requires
coordinated policies: vocational training, labour rights enforcement, and pathways into formal
employment, alongside stronger stateNGO cooperation to stabilize livelihood support.
Changes in Family and Professional Roles
Comparing the roles of women in family livelihood strategies in Syria and Turkey, 66.7% reported
experiencing changes. However, these changes did not affect their emotional ties or sense of
responsibility toward their spouses. Nevertheless, a shift was observed in women’s parental
responsibilities, with many unable to spend as much time with their children as before. These changes
were found to be primarily due to economic and psychological factors. Dedeoğlu and Gökmen (2011)
highlight that being both a woman and a migrant may lead to deprivation from certain citizenship and
social rights and create obstacles in accessing existing resources. In addition, long working hours for
low wages, exposure to sexual and physical abuse, and lack of access to educational opportunities all
negatively impact women’s lives in various ways (Anthias & Davis, 1992: 43). Ashford and Huet-Vaughn
(1997) also emphasize that women bear the heaviest burden of war, conflict, and migration. These
arguments reinforce the findings of the current study. In the context of this study, the “heaviest
burden” can be understood through several interlinked dynamics: first, many participants reported
experiencing a “double workload” engaging in both formal employment to contribute to household
income and unpaid domestic labour such as childcare, eldercare, and household chores, a
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phenomenon widely noted in migration literature (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1994; Kofman, 2004). Second,
participants described heightened exposure to gender-based stereotypes and prejudices in the host
society, which not only limited their professional opportunities but also affected their psychological
well-being. Third, migration often demanded more profound changes from women in their traditional
roles compared to men, as they were expected to adapt to new labour market conditions while still
meeting culturally ingrained expectations of being primary caregivers. In this sense, when the
statement refers to “comparison with men,” it primarily reflects differences with Syrian migrant men
in Turkey, who, according to participants, generally maintained more continuity in their pre-migration
occupations and were less involved in unpaid domestic responsibilities. These arguments reinforce
the findings of the current study.
WorkFamily Life Changes Post-Migration
The findings of the present study demonstrate that migrant women face increased work
responsibilities, longer working hours, and less time for their children. While women had more time
for family and social life before migration, they have undergone significant transformations due to the
changing job conditions and economic necessities post-migration. Castles and Miller (2009) state that
as individuals adapt to new socio-economic conditions in the host country, they experience shifts in
living standards and are compelled to restructure their time management. This aligns with the current
study’s findings. The results also indicate that women migrating to Turkey face increased workloads
as they enter the workforce. Reza (2019) argues that migrant workers are often compelled to work
under more intense conditions within the economic system, leading to various limitations in terms of
time management. Similarly, Portes and Rumbaut (2001) highlight that joining the labour force post-
migration forces individuals to restructure their daily routines and introduces new challenges
regarding work-life balance. The migration process brings about several changes in terms of working
conditions and daily routines. Especially the increasing intensity of work and redefinition of daily
responsibilities directly affect the social and economic integration processes of migrants (Massey et
al., 1993). The findings suggest that migrant women must establish a new balance in terms of time
management and workload.
Perceived Changes Experienced
The findings of this study indicate that participants reported experiencing significant changes
material, emotional, social, and culturalcompared to the past. The literature also highlights that
social and economic changes influence individuals’ cultural identities and sense of belonging (Giddens,
1991). In particular, economic conditions can profoundly affect lifestyles, leading to both individual
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and societal transformations during modernization (Beck, 1992). Studies on the impact of financial
change on living standards show that economic status influences not only individual well-being but
also social relations and cultural participation (Sen, 1999). In terms of spiritual changes, individuals’
values, belief systems, and psychological well-being may evolve over time (Taylor, 1989). Social
changes can manifest in alterations to family structures, community ties, and patterns of social
interaction (Putnam, 2000). In the cultural domain, globalization and digitalization are said to reshape
cultural practices (Appadurai, 1996). Individuals often seek to strike a balance between preserving
traditional identities and adapting to the changes brought by modernization (Inglehart, 2020). In this
regard, the findings of our study align with previous research indicating that migrants undergo
multidimensional transformations. Future research should include longitudinal studies that examine
the long-term effects of these changes.
Main Challenges in Adaptation
Syrian refugee women in Turkey face multifaceted challenges, including material and emotional
deprivation, language barriers, health and housing difficulties, and professional disadvantages. Long
working hours, limited family time, lack of work permits, weak social support, and prejudiced local
attitudes further exacerbate these difficulties. These findings reveal multiple layers of disadvantage,
consistent with the literature: migrant women often face economic and psychological vulnerability
due to material deprivation and blocked professional pathways (Kofman & Raghuram, 2005); language
barriers restrict access to services and deepen isolation (Ager & Strang, 2008); and even basic needs
like housing and healthcare remain unmet (UNHCR, 2024). Employment in low-paid, unprotected jobs
underscores gendered labour exploitation (Cortés & Pan, 2019), while informal employment driven
by lack of permits increases vulnerability çduygu & Millet, 2016). Absence of social networks worsens
risks for childcare, healthcare, and resilience (Tastsoglou, 2025), while prejudiced host attitudes
reinforce exclusion (Esses et al., 2010). This study contributes to the literature on forced migration
and gender in several ways. First, it moves beyond labour market participation to explore
interconnected changes in intra-family roles, social networks, and cultural adaptation. Second, it
employs a mixed analytical strategycombining thematic analysis with quantificationto identify key
themes while retaining narrative depth, offering a replicable model for future qualitative research.
Third, by foregrounding the voices of highly educated Syrian women who experienced marked
occupational downgrading, it highlights the underexplored loss of professional identity and its link to
gendered livelihood strategies. Collectively, these contributions provide new empirical and
methodological insights for academic debates and gender-sensitive integration policies.
The findings highlight the need for multidimensional and inclusive frameworks to enhance refugee
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women’s well-being. Several policy directions emerge:
- Establish mechanisms for recognizing prior professional qualifications, particularly for women
from conflict-affected contexts like Syria, to reduce underutilized human capital and the
psychological costs of displacement.
- Design language and vocational training programs that are sensitive to cultural and contextual
factors.
- Expand access to psychosocial and mental health services tailored to trauma, social isolation,
and professional identity loss.
- Adopt intersectional approaches that address overlapping disadvantages of gender, migration
status, ethnicity, and legal precarity.
- Future research should explore subgroup differences (e.g., marital status, age, education,
length of stay) to capture the diversity of Syrian women’s experiences, as the current sample
did not allow robust comparative analysis.
In conclusion, these recommendations point toward the need for holistic and forward-looking
strategies that prioritize empowerment, equity, and social inclusion in migration policy contexts.
ETHICAL COSIDERATIONS
This study was approved by the Üsküdar University Non-Interventional Research Ethics Committee
(Approval No:B.08.6.YÖK.2.ÜS.0.05.0.06/2018/715, Date: 25 June 2018). The study was conducted in
accordance with the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki and relevant national ethical guidelines.
Written informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to participation. Participation was
voluntary, and participants were informed that they could withdraw at any time without
consequences. Participant confidentiality and anonymity were strictly maintained, and no personally
identifiable information was collected.”
AVAILABILITY OF DATA AND MATERIALS
This study is derived from a master’s thesis completed at Üsküdar University, Institute of Social
Sciences. Data and/or materials from the study are available upon request to the corresponding
author.
DECLARATION OF GENERATIVE AI AND AI-ASSISTED TECHNOLOGIES IN THE WRITING PROCESS
ChatGPT Pro (OpenAI, 2025) was used solely for grammar and typographical review; the authors
assume full responsibility for the content and conclusions of this manuscript.
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CONFLICT OF INTEREST
The authors of this article declare no conflict of interest.
FUNDING
This study received no funding.
AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
MD contributed to the article in its conceptualization, methodological proposal, fieldwork, writing
review, and editing. AK contributed to the article in the methodological proposal, fieldwork, writing
review, and editing.
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Appendix 1
Appendix 1. Participant Demographic Profile
Participant
Ag
e
Marital
Status
Education Level
Length of Stay in Turkey
No. of
Children
Occupation
P1
28
Married
University
3 years
2
Nurse
P2
29
Single
University
4 years
-
Student
P3
29
Married
High School
5 years
3
Housewife
P4
30
Single
University
2 years
-
Student
P5
31
Single
University
6 years
-
Tradesperson
P6
32
Married
University
3 years
2
Student
P7
33
Married
University
4 years
-
Student
P8
34
Married
University
5 years
1
Student
P9
35
Single
University
2 years
-
Student
P10
36
Married
High School
6 years
3
Housewife
P11
37
Married
University
3 years
1
Lawyer
P12
27
Married
University
2 years
1
Housewife
P13
28
Married
University
5 years
2
Engineer
P14
27
Married
University
4 years
2
Teacher
P15
30
Married
University
3 years
2
Teacher
P16
31
Married
University
5 years
-
Student
P17
32
Married
High School
2 years
2
Tradesperson
P18
33
Married
High School
4 years
3
Housewife
P19
34
Single
University
3 years
-
Student
P20
35
Married
University
6 years
2
Lawyer
P21
36
Married
University
4 years
1
Teacher
P22
37
Married
University
5 years
3
Nurse
P23
27
Married
University
2 years
2
Hairdresser
P24
28
Married
University
3 years
1
Tailor
P25
29
Married
University
4 years
-
Teacher
P26
30
Married
University
5 years
1
Teacher
P27
31
Single
University
6 years
-
Biologist